Foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran: expectations for change and Continuity | Current Affairs | CSS/PCS/PMS/IAS

Foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran: expectations for change andContinuity | Current Affairs | CSS/PCS/PMS/IAS

Foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran: expectations for change and Continuity | Current Affairs | CSS/PCS/PMS/IAS

Foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran: expectations for change and  Continuity

Introduction:

Over the last four decades, there have been a variety of trends and developments in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Within a framework of basic principles and foundations, the various administrations have demonstrated tactical behavior in their approach to foreign policy. On the other hand, despite crisis trends and developments in the domestic, regional and international levels, some behaviors have remained fundamentally sound no change. After the 1979 revolution, despite significant changes in the policy of internal dynamics, structural shifts in neighboring regions (especially in the Middle East) and a change in the balance of world power, Iran’s foreign policy priorities were confirmed to be very consistent. Many Iranian regimes, from former presidents Hashemi Rafsanjani, Mohammed Qatami to acting president Hassan Rouhani, have taken a different approach but have failed to change their perspectives; The foreign policy of the main Iranian columns - pan-Islamist, pan-Shiite, anti-Western, anti-imperialist, anti-Zionist and pro-front resistance - remained stable. Many scholars consider Iran's foreign policy principles and practices have remained constant because they emphasize self-sufficiency, indigenization, exceptionism, and resistance. Taken together, these principles are strengthening Iran's isolation in the international arena. There are four main forces that determine the lack of dynamism in Iran's foreign policy. First, there is a constitutional mandate in the foreign policy decision-making process  It gives power to the Iranian Supreme Command while limiting presidential power. The supreme leader emphasizes the preservation of religious and ideological foundations the 1979 revolution, while the president focuses on the country's internal and executive body affairs; the constitution limits the president's influence on foreign policy. The second force the priority of national security over other strategic interests. National securities, and perceived threats from US hostile policies directly affect Iranian statists foreign policy priorities. The third key force is the continued international blockade of Iran West and the need to keep coming back. Iran is afraid of a system change as it is a policy of regional containment of Western power. This is the reason why Iran maintained it anti-Western / American ideological stance. Finally, maintaining domestic policy the order remains the primary driving force behind Iran's ruling elite. "Revolution" and phashiism it is intended to continue the revolutionary domestic policy based on opposition in Iran to capitalism and imperialism.2 Theoretically, the international system and structural conditions guide Iran's foreign policy priorities as well as domestic policy factors has played an important role in Iran's foreign policy over the past four decades.

He tried to understand the nature of continuity and the potential for change in Iran there are many questions in literature on foreign policy:how was Persistence and change in Iranian foreign policy since the Islamic Revolution in 1979? What Will the type of coalition and geopolitical logic make it possible to change Iran's foreign politics? Own did reformist presidents make meaningful foreign policy change in Iran? Iran's new moderate President Hassan Rouhani, can you initiate structural foreign policy changes? What a prospects for change in Iran's foreign policy? These are theoretical and practical concerns underlines the need for stronger scientific contributions to the main drivers of Iran foreign policy. This review article focuses on two frequently cited books, both aimed at providing answers to previous questions from an Iranian perspective.

There is no viable coalition paradigm:

Foreign Policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran: Theoretical Overview and Coalition The Pyramidum in Persian was written by Prof. Sirululagam, an international professor Relationships at Shaheed Beheshti University in Tehran provide the framework for empire A systematic understanding of the Coalition's paradox of Iranian foreign policy. It seeks to it is studying and seeking to change the dominant paradigm of Iran's foreign policy Answer to question: Given the capacity and nature of the Islamic Republic Iran, what type of coalition and transnational alliance, and which is on an intellectual basis and geographical logic, within the framework of the EU's objectives and national strategy the country? In order to find an answer to this question, it raises sub-questions the possibility of forming coalitions and alliances with neighboring southern regions, the Islamic bloc, the northern neighbors and the eastern geographic areas to meet the main people national goals of Iran's foreign policy. This is a summary of the book presented in eight chapters Results of significant collections of author's theoretical and empirical research. In the second chapter, the author uses the approach of political realism to distinguish it there is and what should be: idealism in foreign policy leads to catastrophes and tragedies. Then she combines decision-making theory with foreign policy (bureaucracy, decision-making groups and individuals) and concludes that the individual variable is viable is important in Iran's foreign policy-making process. Because it's legal and practical the agent's superiority over the structure of the Iranian political system, individuals rather than structures play a decisive role in the formulation and implementation of Iran's foreign policy. The scientific this area and the individual decision-making structure in this area are also being studied positive impact on rational foreign policy. The author believes that the Middle East the region is in a "pre-positivist" phase where emotional and ideological decision-making is taking place stops the path to a reasonable foreign policy.


Finally, given the political principles on the different periods, the dynamics of domestic politics and the possibility of the Islamic Republic of Iran to change Iran's foreign policy (especially on sensitive issues such as Iran-US relations), the change in Siriglam Iran's current foreign policy is expected to come from three reasons:
(1) lack of communication between the country's foreign policy and the world economic system;
(2) The ideological nature of sovereignty in the political system:
(3) and its tendency supports taking into account existing foreign policy approaches: legality, national security and foreign policy. Iran's internal order is a religious-revolutionary ideological so far.

An illusory chance for a change in foreign policy:

Iran in the world; Shahram Akbarzadeh and Dara on the foreign policy of President Rouhani Conduit is an edited volume assessing the foreign policy of President Hassan Rouhani during first two years in office. The book contains case studies from neighboring countries and US-Iran relations by highlighting Iran's long-controversial nuclear issue. President Rouhani came to power in Iran in 2013, promising to reform a long controversial country The foreign policy. In contrast to the liberal pragmatic vision of Mohammad Khatami or Mahmoud Hassan Rouhani, Ahmadinejad's ideological-populist attitude, strives for centroprmatism vision in Iran's foreign policy. Contrary to what many believe, Iran's foreign policy it is not shaped solely in the context of fluctuations in Islamic discourse and ideology between revolutionary idealism and pragmatic realism. Pragmatism has always been there they form an integral part of Iran's foreign directions and can be traced in the heated debate on foreign policy problems such as relaxing in the US or supporting specific forces on the Levant, too
of which they have ideological links with Iran. President Rouhani won first and foremost the presidency because he promised to introduce some measure of rationality and pragmatism into inefficient Iran foreign approaches. In contrast to Ahmadinejad's revolutionary discourse and confrontation practice in foreign policy, the administration of President Rouhani committed to de-securitization and normalize foreign relations, improve the deteriorating economic situation, end long-term nuclear dispute and repair ties with neighboring countries.

In the current volume Akbarzadeh analyzes the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic at a time of profound change and transition, highlighting some inherent tensions and milestones in the Rouhani administration, which sets a new direction for the region and Iran global roles. This book, which focuses on elements of continuity and national and external factors driving change, combine many interesting insights regarding modern Iran foreign policy and relations. The first chapter of the book contains practical and theoretical questions about the possibility of a significant change in Iran's foreign policy during Rouhani's first term; They give the reader a general look at Iran's contemporary foreign policy. By looking at Rouhani's foreign policy relative to neighboring countries, as well as noisy American-Iran relations, this volume addresses the following critical questions: Ma The new president of Iran has introduced significant changes in foreign policy? Can Rouhani can achieve lasting rapprochement with the United States? Does Rouhani have experience of the presidency increase the depth of our understanding of Iran's foreign policy?

Household obstacles played a significant role in limiting full implementation Rouhani's foreign policy program. While Rouhani was able to implement foreign policy change in Iran's relationship with Armenia, Azerbaijan, UAE and KRG, had little impact on the portfolio of Iraq, Yemen and Syria. That's because contemporary ties with Iran-Syria, Iraq and Yemen were characterized by military considerations, which means that IRGC has had an edge in relationships for decades. In fact, Almost paralysis Rouhani in this sphere illustrated the scale of presidential restrictions power in Iran, especially in portfolios falling within the strategic interests of the Supreme Ayatollah Chamenei or IRGC leader. This chapter emphasizes that Iran's problems they no longer revolved solely around the nuclear issue, so they sign the deal and revive Iran economics was only part of the challenge. Rouhani’s problems were compounded by the fact that his success in fighting some problems accidentally exacerbated others. This is already evident in Iran's progress on the Internet the nuclear issue, which in turn led to serious concerns in Tel Aviv, Riyadh and some other Arabs capitals in which the Rouhani administration did not appear to have a clear mitigation strategy ubiquitous concerns about the growing power of Iran in neighboring regions. This the book concludes because of the severe restrictions faced by President Rouhani in the decision-making process of Iran's foreign policy, in particular on strategic issues, no significant changes and changes in Iran's foreign policy are expected (also in the first case) reformist administration).

Concluding remarks and the way forward:

As illustrated in the two books analyzed, the dynamics of Iran's foreign policy is Coverage products, and sometimes contradictions, motives, foundations and players. From Iran's point of view, Iran's best decision-makers are apparently motivated, at least to a certain extent, by perceiving the threat to the regime and their national interests. They you certainly believe that the US and other hostile powers in the region are pursuing a "regime." change ”strategy to the Islamic Republic of Iran. This perception of the threat is significant models the static behavior of Iran's foreign policy, in which no agency can change its long-term position directions. Iran's foreign policy often seems to reflect different approaches and perspectives among key players with extremely different authority. Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali The Khamenei, who blames political and religious authority, has repeatedly stressed that the US has has never accepted the Islamic revolution and is trying to overthrow it by supporting the interior opposition to the regime, imposing economic sanctions and support for the regions of Iran opponents. On the contrary, Iranian reformist leaders, notably President Hassan Rouhani, stresses that Iran should not have permanent enemies. He claims to be a pragmatic
and constructive foreign policy will lead to a reduction of international sanctions under it JCPOA. In order to understand who is ultimately involved in the decision making, it must be mentioned that, according to the Iranian constitution and in practice, the supreme leader of Iran has the final say over all major foreign policy decisions.

Overall, despite Rouhani's multilateral diplomatic efforts, Iran's foreign policy The United States is characterized by significant continuity. On the one hand, they are relevant Iran to reproduce institutionalized images and practices of hostility to the United States, and significant deficiencies in trust and mutual understanding between the two states the Islamic Revolution of 1979. This reality identifies a number of changing energy dynamics the Iranian political spectrum and major geopolitical developments in the region, which are likely to act as long-term "push or pull" elements in Iran's foreign formulation directive; this limits the mobility of the Rouhani government on a foreign journey political change. On the other hand, when trying to negotiate with Iran, pressures and threats, direct, indirect, military, economic or diplomatic, can prove very ineffective.

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